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1994-05-09
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<text>
<title>
Islamic Hamas Official Discusses Self-Rule
</title>
<article>
<hdr>
Foreign Broadcast Information Service, November 30-December 6, 1993
Islamic Hamas Official Discusses Self-Rule
</hdr>
<body>
<p>[Interview with Dr. Musa Abu-Marzuq, chief of the Political
Bureau of the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas, by Faraj
Shalhub in Amman; date not given]
</p>
<p> [Excerpts] [Shalhub] After the signing of the Gaza-Jericho
accord, the opposition has launched intensive efforts to thwart
it. Several formulas of joint action have been proposed by
independents and by the 10 Palestinian factions. What happened
to these efforts, especially in light of the recent disagreement
with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine [PFLP]
and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine [DFLP]?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] We have to admit that it is difficult for the
opposition in the Palestinian arena to foil the agreement
singlehanded. This is because the agreement is the outcome of
local, regional, and international factors. The agreement also
has to do with certain gains and organizational issues. This has
made it difficult to confront the agreement. In addition,
certain countries could not stand against this agreement,
despite the fact that it harms their private and regional
interests. Despite this, these countries could not confront the
agreement, let alone foil it. The agreement, however, carries the
seeds of its own destruction. When we pit the agreement against
the opposition, we can say that by capitalizing on the
agreement's inherent weakness, the opposition can foil it if the
time factor is well calculated.
</p>
<p> As for the opposition's performance, regrettably the
opposition forces got together to face the most serious
agreement in the life of the Palestinian people after many
opposition forces have reached old age. The forces also have in
mind maintaining a balance with each other. Add to this the
private calculations restricting the activity of some factions.
[passage omitted]
</p>
<p> [Shalhub] What is the future plan of action then? Do you
plan to approach independent figures in a bid to unify efforts,
especially since the number of Palestinian figures that
criticize the agreement is on the increase?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] As a matter of fact, one of the reasons for
the delay in finding an appropriate framework is the surprise
caused by the secret Oslo agreement. Some Arab states taking
part in the settlement were surprised by the agreement, so it is
not strange for the opposition to be surprised. This made it
difficult to crystallize a position quickly.
</p>
<p> The second point is that the agreement is still producing
rapid developments. These developments have not reached a stable
point yet inside Fatah or the Palestinian People's Party. These
developments are still interacting. So adopting a stand toward
these developments takes a longer time.
</p>
<p> I am not pessimistic because there has been no framework
for the opposition's unified action. It does not matter if the
framework is not found, since there is a unified approach. A
unified framework will be found sooner or later.
</p>
<p> [Shalhub] Can we say that the inability to crystallize a
framework is due to Yasir Arafat's penetration of the opposition
ranks, or, to be more accurate, some opposition factions; which
has made these factions feel they will be threatened if they
continue their violent oppostion of the agreement?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] I do not believe that there has been clear
penetration of any faction. If there are some examples, then
they do not affect the essence of opposition. Opposition is not
one team. Some opponents proceed from the fact that they seek to
improve the unjust terms of negotiations, and there is also a
principled opposition which believes that all forms of
negotiations with the enemy are rejected. Certainly, there is a
difference between the two, but this does not mean that there is
no true opposition to relinquishing rights.
</p>
<p> [Shalhub] Can we say that the inability of the opposition
to create a framework, and consequently, its weakness to foil
the agreement, will become in favor of wagering on foiling it
from within as a result of internal factors?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] In fact, we are not concerned over the
inability of the opposition to do something tangible. I believe
that those who signed the agreement will not be able to achieve
the objectives of the agreement. So, their inability to restore
Palestinian rights will be one of the most important factors for
expanding popular support for the opposition. Basically, we are
wagering on the people toppling the agreement. The people, who
have been fighting the occupation for tens of years, will resist
the imposed solution when they feel that this solution is only a
means of entrenching the occupation. Opposition to the agreement
will increase with the passage of time after the implementation
of the agreement on the ground. Everyone will then realize the
threats this agreement posed to our present and future.
</p>
<p>[Shalhub] In light of the concept of foiling the agreement
based on the expansion of popular opposition with the passage of
time, how do you assess the recent escalation of Hamas' military
operations? Would it not be better to postpone the escalation to
another stage? Does this escalation serve the strategy of
weakening or strengthening the agreement by forcing Israel to
hasten implementation of the agreement?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] I do not believe that there is any movement
that works against itself or does something which harms its
strategy. We believe that escalation is based on a realistic and
future view of the conflict with the Zionist enemy. We know full
well that such operations will not be able to liberate
Palestine, but they are part of our duty to continue resistance
to prevent the enemy from enjoying stability, and from believing
that it has imposed its control over the land and the people. At
the same time, we carry out these operations to defend the Arab
nation, because if the enemy enjoys stability in Palestine, it
will seek to expand in the region.
</p>
<p> This escalation is a simple expression of the people's
rejection of the current settlement, and of their refusal to
live under occupation. This also means that if some people
become tired of struggle and resistance, there are others who
are ready to pursue jihad for the cause of God. Jihad is a must
for every Palestinian. It is not some kind of entertainment or
tactic.
</p>
<p> [Shalhub] There have been reports about Hamas'
participation in the self-rule elections. This has been
attributed to Shaykh Ahmad Yasin. Several opponents believe that
participating in the elections would be better than boycotting
them, especially since the participation of the opposition in
power is better than isolating itself and leaving things to the
settlement people to impose their control and determine the
people's future. What is your comment?
</p>
<p> [Abu-Marzuq] Regarding the legislative elections, I would
like to clarify that the movement's stand over the past four
years was clear. It is for participation in the elections.
Shaykh Ahmad Yasin stressed this policy. There is nothing new in
this. What is new is that this issue was mentioned within the
context of self-rule elections, something which created
confusion. In harmony with its stands, and proceeding from its
concern about the Palestinian people's interests, the movement
is not for participation in self-rule elections, for throughout
the whole world, the rule is that the people should first elect
those who represent them in resolving their issue. However, what
is taking place is that a small weak group is negotiating with
the enemy, which holds the reins of power, to reach a formula
for an agreement to determine the Palestinian people's future,
and then the two parties, Israel and the PLO, in accordance with
this formula, will hold elections to elect persons to impl